What if blacks did not exist

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Platform of the States Rights Democratic Party. Whistlestop Speech. Campaign Speech in St. Louis, Missouri. Memorandum Regarding Relations with Pendergast Mac In other words, white supremacy still exists as a system without the legacy of chattel slavery.

Anti-Black racism is rampant all over Europe, where Africans are treated differently and possess fewer resources. Had there never been slavery in the U. Today, White Supremacist nativism has claimed lives and eaten away at civil rights for brown people. Brisenia and her father Raul were both citizens of the United States and were murdered by white supremacists.

The fact that they were presumably not the descendants of slaves in the United States made no difference to their murderers. Native Americans suffer from addiction, poverty, dismal unemployment, health disparities, and a portion of the Native population were actually slaveholders during the antebellum period. View the discussion thread. Skip to main content. Don't miss a brief. Once the American colonies promised freedom, about a quarter of the Continental Army became Black; before that, more Black people defected to the British military for a chance to be free.

Black revolutionary soldiers understood the stakes of the war and realized that they could also benefit and leave bondage. Black people played a dual role — service with the American forces and fleeing to the British — both for freedom. The notion of the Black Patriot is a misused term. A dangerous myth that continues to haunt Black Americans is the belief that the government infected Black men in Macon County, Alabama, with syphilis. This myth has created generations of African Americans with a healthy distrust of the American medical profession.

The purpose of the experiment was to test the impact of syphilis untreated and was conducted at what is now Tuskegee University, a historically Black university in Macon County, Alabama. The Black men in the experiment were not given syphilis.

Instead, men already had stages of the disease, and the who did not served as a control group. Both groups were withheld from treatment of any kind for the 40 years they were observed. The men were subjected to humiliating and often painfully invasive tests and experiments including spinal taps.

The study also did not occur in total secret, and several African American health workers and educators associated with the Tuskegee Institute assisted in the study. By the end of the study in the summer of , after a whistleblower exposed the story in national headlines, only 74 of the test subjects were still alive.

From the original infected men, 28 had died of syphilis, others from related complications. The case also solidified the idea of African Americans being cast and used as medical guinea pigs.

An unfortunate side effect of both the truth of medical racism and the myth of syphilis injection, however, is it tangibly reinforces the inability to place trust in the medical system for some African Americans who may not choose to seek out assistance, and as a result put themselves in danger.

It is well-known that African Americans faced the constant threat of ritualistic public executions by white mobs, unpunished attacks by individuals, and police brutality in Jim Crow America. But how they responded to this is a myth that persists. In an effort to find lawful ways to address such events, some Black people made legalistic appeals to convince police and civic leaders their rights and lives should be protected.

Yet the crushing weight of a hostile criminal justice system and the rigidity of the color line often muted those petitions, leaving Black people vulnerable to more mistreatment and murder. In the face of this violence, some African Americans prepared themselves physically and psychologically for the abuse they expected — and they fought back. Most notably, they defended themselves fiercely nationwide during the bloodshed of the Red Summer of when whites attacked African Americans in multiple cities across the country.

Whites may have initiated most race riots in the early Jim Crow era, but some also happened as Black people rejected the limitations placed on their life, leisure, and labor, and when they refused to fold under the weight of white supremacy.

The magnitude of racial and state violence often came down upon Black people who defended themselves from police and citizens, but that did not stop some from sparking personal and collective insurrections.

Douglas J. Flowe is an assistant professor of history at Washington University in St. The bodies of people of color have a pernicious history of total exploitation and criminalization in the US.

Like total war, total exploitation enlists and mobilizes the resources of mainstream society to obliterate the resources and infrastructure of the vulnerable. This has been done to Black people through a robust prison industrial complex that feeds on their vilification, incarceration, disenfranchisement, and erasure.

Even though more white people reported using crack more than Black people in a National Institute on Drug Abuse survey, Black people were sentenced for crack offenses eight times more than whites. Meanwhile, there was a corresponding cocaine epidemic in white suburbs and college campuses that compelled the US to install harsher penalties for crack than for cocaine. For example, in , before the enactment of federal mandatory minimum sentencing for crack cocaine offenses, the average federal drug sentence for African Americans was 11 percent higher than for whites.

Four years later, the average federal drug sentence for African Americans was 49 percent higher.